Israeli ethnic cleansing nears completion in northern Gaza

Jabalia Gaza
6 min read
12 November, 2024

The Israeli effort to eliminate or expel Palestinian residents of the Gaza Strip - an effort that has been apparent sincein Israel’s year-long military assault on the territory - is close to achieving its goal in the northernmost portion of the Strip.

Israeli officials have also let slip more indications that this is indeed their goal. Last week a brigadier general in the Israeli Defence ForcestoldIsraeli journalists that in expelling residents from this area, which includes the city of Beit Lahiya and the Jabaliya refugee camp, the IDF had no intention of ever letting them return.

The general added that Israel would allow no humanitarian aid into this portion of the Strip because “there are no more civilians left.”

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An IDF spokesperson later tried tothe general’s comments, and the Israeli government has repeatedly denied conducting forced expulsions. But reports of what is happening on the ground, despite Israeli measures tofrom the conflict zone, are consistent with an ethnic cleansing campaign. Reporters from the Israeli newspaper Haaretz were able to the forcible expulsions. Other reporting has confirmed an entering northern Gaza, with the resulting prospect of.

The dominant images from northern Gaza are partly the ones that became familiar a year ago, of buildings reduced torubble, and pictures of residentsaway from their homes with what few possessions they can carry. The latter images resemble those from an earlier Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinians - theof 1948.

Despite Israeli denials, what is happening appears to be a version of the “generals’ plan,” a proposal presented to Benjamin Netanyahu’s government in September and subsequently leaked. That proposal calls for cutting off supplies to the portion of the Gaza Strip in question and telling all who live there that they must leave or be considered combatants subject to attack.

Although the current focus of Israeli operations is in the north, much of what the Israeli military has been doing throughout the Gaza Strip during the past year has been consistent with ethnic cleansing. Those residents who are not killed outright - and the actual death toll amid the rubble is probablythan the running official count that is now at about 43,000 - are left with an unliveable wasteland. The Israeli assault has destroyedhealth careԻsystems and facilities,, and most other infrastructure needed for a community to exist.

Leaders of the Jewish settlement movement in the West Bank areeager to extendthe settlements to the Gaza Strip. The generals’ plan has more of a security focus, with the idea of turning the part of the Strip from which Hamas launched itsattackon southern Israel last year into an IDF-controlled buffer.

With the Netanyahu government still subject to domestic criticism for allowing that attack, such an arrangement would be an “accomplishment” to point to despite theimpossibilityof ever achieving the declared goal of “destroying” Hamas, and despite that arrangement doing little or nothing to prevent other possible forms of Palestinian violence against Israel that are not duplicates of the 7 October Hamas attack.

Recent political changes within Israel have made Netanyahu’s government all the more inclined to press forward with the ethnic cleansing in Gaza. NetanyahufiredDefence Minister Yoav Gallant, who had favoured a ceasefire that would include the return of remaining Israeli hostages and had said that there was “nothing left” for the Israeli military to do in Gaza. Netanyahu replaced him with Foreign Minister Israel Katz, widelyconsideredto be a yes-man under Netanyahu’s thumb.

36 people were killed by Israel in Jabalia in north Gaza alone
What the Israeli military has been doing throughout the Gaza Strip during the past year has been consistent with ethnic cleansing. [Getty]

Netanyahu’s cabinet changes mean he is content to remain reliant not only on the ultra-Orthodox parties who favour preserving a draft exemption that Gallant opposed, but also on extremists, such as national security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who have been explicit ina Gaza with Jewish settlers and no Palestinians.

A political development in the United States - the election returning Donald Trump to power - also has given Netanyahu increased free rein to continue the ethnic cleansing. Trump’s record in his first term ofgivingthe Netanyahu government almost anything it wanted made his win this month popular in Israel. Especiallyecstaticabout Trump’s victory were Ben-Gvir and fellow extremist minister Bezalel Smotrich, with Ben-Gvirthat given Trump’s return to office, “this is the time for sovereignty, this is the time for complete victory”.

Those trying to put a different and more peace-oriented spin on the implications of Trump’s win for Gaza, including some of theArab Americans in Michiganwho supported him, place hope in Trump’s repeated but vagueclaimsthat he will somehow end the current war in the Middle East. There is no doubt that Trump, like any other incoming president, would like to see this mess removed from his foreign policy plate as early in his term as possible. But seeking an end or partial end to the warfare says nothing abouthowit would end.

The other side of Trump’s first-term Middle East policy, besides extreme deference to Netanyahu, was uniform hostility to the Palestinians, ranging fromthe Palestinian diplomatic office in Washington to for the United Nations agency responsible for humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. During the presidential campaign, Trump used the term “Palestinian” as ain applying it to his then-opponent Joe Biden.

Trump will press Netanyahu to wrap up Israel’s assault on Gaza (as well as its offensive in Lebanon) sooner rather than later, but he will do so while saying and doing nothing on behalf of the Palestinians who live there. Trump’s publicly expressedis for Israel to “finish the job” in Gaza. The ethnic cleansing is a major part of “the job” in which Israel is currently engaged. Finishing it means completing the ethnic cleansing in the northern end of the Gaza Strip, even if that means putting off to another day the realization of more ambitious Israelito empty the rest of the Strip of its Palestinian residents.

In addition to the obvious moral and legal issues involved, Israel’s ethnic cleansing in Gaza has other consequences for regional stability and US interests. Violent Palestinian resistance to Israel will not end, even if it is conducted largely in exile. The extreme Israeli measures will only add to the anger and desire to strike back.

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Given how Israel’s subjugation of the Palestinians has been the biggest singleand violence in the Middle East - as demonstrated anew by how the current warfare in Lebanon and exchanges of fire between Israel and Iran grew out of the situation in Gaza - the extreme form of subjugation that is ethnic cleansing will sustain that larger instability.

Israel will become more of an international pariah as its actions become ever farther removed from anything that can plausibly be considered a just and appropriate response to the attack by Hamas last year.

To the extent that the United States associates itself with those actions, through continued provision of arms and diplomatic cover, it will increasingly be a target of international opprobrium. Specific consequences range fromto terrorism against US interests and citizens.

Paul R. Pillar is a Non-resident Senior Fellow at the Center for Security Studies of Georgetown University and a non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. He is also an Associate Fellow of the Geneva Center for Security Policy

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