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In what and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called “history’s greatest comeback,” , game show host and former idol Donald Trump was re-elected as US President.

Netanyahu, ever quick to kiss Trump’s ring, has been scheming toward this very moment since last October when Hamas fighters embarrassed his government by breaking out of Gaza's prison walls and attacking Israeli military bases.

Indeed, ����ٲ��Բⲹ���’s investment paid off. Trump’s re-election reshuffles the Middle East colonial deck in Netanyahu's favour, shifting US policy from the Democratic Party's hypocritical complicity with and denial of , war crimes and crimes against humanity to a shameless embrace and encouragement of these malevolent actions.

Though historically Trump has been to the Palestinian people, moving the US embassy to Jerusalem and recently using “Palestinian” as a pejorative on the campaign trail, he to Netanyahu to conclude the “Gaza war” by inauguration day.

Trump likely seeks to distance himself from the growing discontent over the Biden administration's perceived weakness in failing to rein in its Israeli junior partner, allowing him to focus on advancing a series of xenophobic, regressive domestic policies aimed at “Making America Great Again.”��

Emboldened by Trump's green light and timeline, Netanyahu may escalate his genocidal actions leading up to the inauguration, while a lame-duck President and defeated Vice President lick their wounds and walk off into the sunset, hopefully via The Hague.

That said, Trump is anything but predictable and could very well shift course entirely due to ����ٲ��Բⲹ���’s persistent , providing continued imperial backing for belligerent Zionist expansionism.��

In their demagoguery, corruption, racism and lack of social conscience, Trump and Netanyahu are mirror images.

They deploy a right-wing, ethnocentric populist appeal with dog whistles and fear-mongering to consolidate their power. Operating above and outside the law, they are both avoiding corruption trials, inhabiting the same unrestrained, tyrannical Hobbesian world.

Essentially, Trump and Netanyahu aim to promote private capital by fragmenting the working class, pushing relentless privatisation of social resources and eroding workers' rights and union protections. They rely on a white, Western “nation” to advance their nationalist agendas, claiming to protect the purity and security of their in-groups and white, Western interests while promoting a racist capitalist system of global apartheid.

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Raised in the shadows of powerful fathers, the two leaders developed a narcissistic need for power, fame and wealth, indulging in corrupt extravagance and throwing spiteful tantrums when challenged.

Their motivations centre on domination, personal gain and the thrill of victory, driven by an insatiable desire to inflate their own grandiose egos. With little regard for integrity or the welfare of others, they routinely scapegoat society’s disadvantaged people to deflect criticism and wield power, in-group social identity over truth and morality.

Media manipulation is another shared skill. Trump, the reality show star, mastered this during his campaigns, using an array of far-right media networks to spread misinformation, xenophobia and deflect criticism.

Similarly, drawing on skill first honed as a, Netanyahu, the quintessential Teflon politician, has polished the arts of spin, cajolery and propaganda, deftly seizing on the October 7 events to push his agenda unchecked.

With atrocity propaganda eagerly consumed by Israel’s compliant press and promoted by a liberal Zionist “opposition,” he shepherds the Israeli flock to endless war, perpetually delaying his pending corruption trial.

Trump and ����ٲ��Բⲹ���’s Ur-Fascism

Beyond similarities in their backgrounds, personalities and motivations, Trump and Netanyahu exemplify figureheads of what Italian writer and philosopher Umberto Eco described as “.’��

Ur-Fascism combines traditionalism, irrationalism and authoritarianism to manipulate and control through several defining traits.

It adopts a cult of tradition, whether a delusion of a once “great” America, or a vast Judean Kingdom, fusing diverse, often contradictory teachings into an unchangeable "truth," rejecting intellectual progress and embracing mysticism to legitimise its ideology. This rejection of modernism ties into an anti-Enlightenment stance, superficially accepting technology yet viewing reason, rationality and liberal values as corrupt.

Irrationalism lies at Ur-Fascism's core, glorifying action over thought and condemning intellectual culture as weak and untrustworthy.

In this environment, disagreement equals betrayal, and questioning established norms is cast as subversive. Thriving on a fear of difference, it fosters racism and xenophobia, uniting followers against outsiders as a trick to divert attention from internal corruption.

Ur-Fascism is nurtured by social frustration, appealing to a disillusioned middle class and those lacking social identity by promoting nationalism and a sense of unity through battles with imagined enemies.

Whether through Trump’s villainisation of immigrants or ����ٲ��Բⲹ���’s “Amalek,” followers are made to feel both humiliated by and superior to their enemies, creating a contradiction that leads to inevitable defeat.

This struggle manifests in a heroic narrative where death and martyrdom are celebrated. Toxic masculinity further defines Ur-Fascism, with disdain for women and nonstandard sexualities and a fetishisation of violence and weapons.��

, deeply in Zionist and American white supremacist ideology, fuses religious and fascistic dogmas to cast non-whites, including immigrants and Palestinians as “demographic threats” while erasing Indigenous female identities .

In place of these identities, a Western femininity is constructed, where women are integrated into male-dominated, capitalist and militaristic structures “.” In fascistic, genocidal escapades, controlling women, who uphold cultural, reproductive and territorial continuity, symbolises ultimate conquest.��

Ur-Fascism’s qualitative populism denies individual rights, presenting the people as a unified entity whose will is interpreted by the leader, bypassing democracy through controlled media and staged public support.

Language is deliberately simplified to suppress critical thinking, reminiscent of Orwell’s Newspeak, often disguised in seemingly innocuous forms like talk shows. Through this web of manipulation, Ur-Fascism ultimately seeks to dismantle rational discourse, undermine democracy and create a society ruled by fear, conformity and unquestioning loyalty to a single leader.

Globalisation of white supremacy

The Trump-aligned Heritage foundation has produced complementary documents which outline the globalisation of American white supremacy and Zionism with “” and “,” respectively.

The texts, which read like dystopian fascist manifestos, detail plans which attempt to institutionalise apartheid and genocide, with under the guise of ‘self defence’ as enforcers.

����ٲ��Բⲹ���’s of Yechiel Leiter — a prominent settler and former member of the Jewish Defense League (JDL), an FBI designated terrorist organisation — as ambassador to the US signals his intent to escalate his campaign in Gaza, push toward the of the West Bank and embolden already manifest fascist Zionist mob attacks with the assistance of Mossad beyond (e.g. Amsterdam, ).

In a possible scenario, if Netanyahu persists in his crusade, Trump could broker one of his signature “deals,” offering to recognise annexation of the West Bank, a move by far-right Israeli Minister Smotrich, in exchange for a halt to Zionist aggression against Lebanon and Iran. Trump could then posture as a “peacemaker,” at the expense of the Palestinian and Lebanese people, of course.

That said, recent of an Iranian plot to assassinate Trump may prompt the President-elect to abandon any thoughts of diplomacy with Iran, aligning perfectly with ����ٲ��Բⲹ���’s fervent ambitions to pull US forces into a war with Iran in a fascist tag-team effort straight from hell.

Yoav Litvin is a writer, photographer and doctor of psychology/neuroscience

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