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While Israel has, for its entire existence, modelled for the world how to effectively disenfranchise Arabs, it has only now been given its first full opportunity to do something similar to Africans. Disturbingly, in its first try out of the gate, its racist policies are all over the world to advocate adopting these policies as their own.

Although black people have always lived in the holy land, they currently constitute only a small minority of the overall Palestinian population, and have  social inequality. 

But when Zionists conquered the country in the middle of the 20th century, the new Israeli parliament passed an anti-"" law to prevent the return of Palestinian refugees displaced by the conquest.

And while Israel's anti-Arab immigration policies were thus encoded into law, the state's anti-African immigration policies may have remained unwritten, but were dutifully enforced for decades, nonetheless.

To date, Israel has rejected over 99 percent of asylum requests

Euro-centric Zionist leaders from joining them in Israel, both before and after establishing their sectarian state.

Successive Israeli governments rejected entry to Israelites with black skin - whether they had preserved the world's oldest known form of Judaism in Abyssinia, or had reinvented Afro-centric forms of Old Testament worship in America. 

Only after decades of resistance did the Israeli government relent and allow black Jews from Ethiopia to immigrate to Israel in the mid-1980s, and for to remain in the country as legal residents from the mid-1990s. Both groups still face crushing poverty, police brutality and commonplace racism in Israel.

But the most contentious African immigration to Israel - that of Christian and Muslim refugees from East Africa - began in the mid-2000s.

At that time, around one percent of the African people fleeing political repression and horrific violence in their homelands began heading in the direction of Israel.

In recent years, the African continent has produced about , and those who managed to make it into Israel before the state built a security fence to prevent the entry of any more, amounted to .

Those refugees may have made up less than one percent of Israel's population -  - but because they're not only black, but non-Jews as well, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has dubbed them a threat to Israel's Jewish "". This bete noire has long been used to drum up opposition to the mere and the birth of their babies.

When the Africans first arrived, Israel avoided violating the relevant conventions it co-signed and co-authored in the wake of the Nazi Holocaust. It wouldn't outright deport Sudanese back to Sudan, or Eritreans back to Eritrea. But it wouldn't grant the refugees any rights either. It just sent them directly to the , forcing some of Israel's poorest populations to absorb the Africans all on their own.

In the last five years, over a third of the African refugee community has been expelled from Israel

First for the first few years, Israel . Eventually, it began to examine these - but only at a snail's pace.

To date, Israel has , granting status to a mere 10 Africans out of tens of thousands, making it the western world's , by far. In Europe and North America, the vast majority of asylum seekers from Sudan and Eritrea .

The Netanyahu government proceeded to pressure African refugees to leave the country, by making Israeli society inhospitable to them. Top rabbis on the government payroll apartments to the refugees. Top lawmakers in the governing coalition the Africans as spreading .

Read more: No saviour: Airlifted Ethiopian Jews face racism in Israel

Soon, Israelis were at Africans in the streets. The and would soon follow.

In 2013, the Netanyahu government began off the streets of Israeli cities and into its newly-built desert detention centre, .

The government did not make much effort to hide that the jail's intended purpose was to break the spirits of these African refugees, so that they would despair of ever living normal lives in Israel, and back to the tortures they originally fled from.

From the Israeli government's perspective, the plan proved a great success: In the last five years, of the African refugee community has been expelled from Israel: over 20,000 men, women and children.

But Netanyahu considers this pace of ethnic cleansing to be insufficient, and has now announced that all African refugees . The government is already who will round up the resisters and drag them onto airplanes.

Reaping the political rewards of the hatred he seeded, Netanyahu is now tying his own popularity to the coming expulsion

Many of the African refugees who already left Israel's frying pan say they soon found themselves back in the fire.

The Israeli government claims that it has with multiple African counties to take in the refugees it deports, and to grant them new leases of life.

But the governments of those countries agreeing to any such deals, and refugees forced out of Israel say they were left to their fates, ; dumped back to square one.

Many of them are believed to have since been enslaved and tortured in Libya, or drowned at the bottom of the Mediterranean.

A decade of state-sponsored incitement has helped make ethnically cleansing the country's remaining 40,000 African refugees a . Reaping the political rewards of the hatred he seeded, Netanyahu is now .

What's more, he's now unashamed to boast about it in English, encouraging and the to embrace their own xenophobia, bringing cheer to white supremacists on both sides of the Atlantic.

If Netanyahu's anti-Palestinian policies paved the way for an Israeli alliance with the global far-right, his anti-African policies have clinched the match.

With Trump in the Oval Office and far-right parties quickly accruing power in Europe, Netanyahu will continue to crack down on Arabs, Africans, and the few left-wing Jews still resisting Israeli state racism for the foreseeable future.

But what will happen for them the moment Trump is toppled?  

is an independent journalist originally from Toronto, Canada and now based in Dimona, Israel.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of °®Âþµº, its editorial board or staff.