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Finally, the rule of the Assad dynasty, established by Hafez al-Assad who ruled Syria for 30 years before passing the country down to his sonÌýfor another 24 years, has fallen. Even the Umayyad Caliphate (a pivotal period in Islamic history – when the capital of the Islamic caliphate was Damascus) only lasted around 88 years.

At last, the weak, tyrannical, corrupt dictator has fled. He was clearly detached from reality, living in his own world built on megalomania, and perhaps other psychological disorders, the secrets of which may be revealed later.

It is worth noting that Abdul Halim Khaddam, in a TV interview had referred to this nature, pointing out that Bashar's sense of grandeur was rooted in what his supporters - those who shamelessly benefited from his power - repeatedly chanted: "Assad or we burn the country." This shamelessness reached its zenith when they attributed to him the qualities of a divine or "god-like" ruler – as they did with his father.

An illegitimate regime

The Assad family's regime never gained genuine national legitimacy among Syrians. Assad senior seized power through a military coup, and his son took power by overturning the constitution his father had created - without the consent of Syrians - to fit his own rule.

However, those who oversaw the transfer of power from father to son (based on Hafez al-Assad's arrangements during his dying days) had no qualms about bypassing the relevant constitutional article. They ordered its hasty amendment through the so-called People's Assembly to alter in five minutes the section that stated candidates for the presidency must be at least 40 years old. The new amendment lowered this age to 34 – miraculously aligning with Bashar's age at the time.

As soon as he took office, Bashar al-Assad promised reform, pledging to Syrians that there would be improvements when it came to freedom of expression, living standards, and respect for the dignity of the citizens.

Then came the "Damascus Spring", which began with the ""Ìýfollowed by the "". So many prominent thinkers and intellectuals participated in that promising movement, including the late Sadiq Jalal Al-Azm, Antun Maqdisi, Tayeb Tizini, Michel Kilo and many others.

Some have since died, and others are still alive, thanking God they lived to see this dream come to pass – the day the corrosive, corrupt and tyrannical Assad dynasty was toppled.

It's clear some kind of interaction occurred over the past days and weeks between internal Syrian factors on the one hand, and regional and international players and trends on the other. This is obvious in light of what happened in Lebanon, and Western efforts to curb Iranian influence in the region (embodied in a project of expansion which has exhausted the countries and societies of the region).

It was this Western agenda, along with a coalition of forces, and the abilities of Syrians on the ground who were determined to free their people and homeland, that led to the defeat of the Assad dynasty.

This regime had totally blocked the horizons for the young Syrian generation – who had been compelled to take to the streets in most cities, peacefully calling for reform.

It was the regime's brutality that forced Syrians to turn to the military option – leading to the immeasurable tragedies, devastation, slaughter and displacement that followed.

Brain drain

Millions of Syrians, especially those with specialisms, assets, and university degrees, left the country in search of a future which would guarantee them freedom, dignity, and justice - in a country that respected its people and itself - after losing all hope of achieving such basic rights in their homeland.

But despite all that, Syrians never lost hope. They remained stubborn and patient, knocking on every door in search of friends who would rally to their cause. They tirelessly refuted the claims of the regime and searched for avenues by which those responsible for the crimes against their people could be prosecuted, whether in Europe or elsewhere.

When operation "Deterrence of Aggression" was launched, many believed it would be little more than a media stunt like ventures that preceded it - that it just signalled yet another episode of the rivalry and infighting between the militant factions in northwest Syria.

However, when the forces involved (Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) and the factions allied with it) succeeded in liberating Aleppo and headed for Hama – and then onto Homs - everyone in and outside Syria realised that Bashar al-Assad's fall was imminent.

The fear then became that violent clashes would ensue between the factions and the remnants of the regime's army – but this never happened (thank God). This was because the commanders of the defeated army were quickly convinced that it would be impossible to engage in any real confrontation with the attackers, with whom the population sympathised (which saw large numbers of army soldiers defecting from the Assad family forces and joining the rebel ranks).Ìý

It was also due to Hezbollah fighters fleeing and Iran's inability to extend any assistance to Assad - especially after Iraq closed its doors when its government became certain its forces would be targeted by coalition aircraft if they entered Syria to assist the regime.

Syrians are living through indescribable, overwhelming joy right now, due to the end of the tyrants' rule. They are preparing to handle the challenges the "day after" brings - which of course won't be easy - after all these long years of despotic rule, which effectively removed Syrian society from the realm of politics.

This was enacted in particular by disallowing the formation of national political parties, and by ensuring those that existed stayed weak and fragmented. If large national opposition parties had existed today, they could have taken the initiative, drawing political lines and creating a roadmap appropriate to the Syrian reality and its issues.

Nevertheless, it's the national duty of all the forces and parties that do exist which opposed the Assad family's rule and struggled for change in favour of the Syrian people - along with political, intellectual, economic, and community figures known for their loyalty to Syria and its people—to agree on a comprehensive national programme.

This programme must respect the unique identities of all segments of Syrian society and recognise their rights within the overarching framework of national loyalty. A step like this could block the path to divisions or rivalries, which could escalate into conflicts (God forbid!) - which could then be exploited by foreign powers.

This is a distinct danger, particularly from the regional powers eager to prey on Syria, which could support a counter-revolution which would threaten the achievements the Syrian people have secured with their blood, sweat, and years of suffering and deprivation in refugee camps and exile (during which time they have also been subjected to various racist hate campaigns).

Rejecting revenge

The most urgent point which must be agreed on by Syrians is to commit to break completely from the mindset of revenge and to reject emotion-driven tendencies which could perpetuate deep resentments and allow hatred to fester. This could be achieved through a civil state apparatus being established which maintains an equal distance from all religions, sects, and ethnicities. A government that achieves equality between men and women, and removes obstacles facing the latter so that they can contribute effectively to the rebirth and flourishing of their society.

Realistically we must anticipate that individual violations and transgressions will probably occur here and there. Therefore, it is necessary that clear mechanisms within a legal framework are adopted to address and manage them. All possible means must be used to prevent them from snowballing into a widespread phenomenon that could affect one group or another, or any segment of Syrian society.

Syrians urgently need a government or administration (the name is unimportant) to handle the tasks of the transitional phase and work on securing citizens' needs and providing them with essential services. This should continue until a new constitution is established, that defines the new system of governance, its mechanisms, and executive rules, and the way is paved towards free and transparent elections under Arab and international supervision.

These elections must ensure the whole of Syrian society is represented and should serve as a prelude to a democratic form of governance which will guarantee freedom, dignity, and social justice to all Syrians without discrimination.

If this happens, Syria should transform into a space of cultural and civilizational intermingling and a platform for regional and international dialogue – which will benefit the people of the region as well as the future of coming generations.

Congratulations on the clear victory achieved by the Syrian people after years of bitter struggle. May God protect Syria and its people from any harm.

Abdulbaset Sieda is a Kurdish-SyrianÌýacademic and politician. He is the former President of the Syrian National CouncilÌý(SNC).

Follow him on Twitter:Ìý@Ebdulbasit

This is an edited and abridged translation from our Arabic edition. To read the original article click

Translated by Rose Chacko

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of °®Âþµº, its editorial board or staff.